What Britain can teach Democrats about the ultra-left
Lessons from Britain's Past for America's Democratic Party
Bharatmorningnews.com – Across the Atlantic, the Democratic Party faces challenges reminiscent of a crisis that once threatened Britain's Labour movement. Lord Kinnock, widely recognized in the United States for a famous oratory moment, offers a compelling historical parallel. In 1987, a young Joe Biden became captivated by the British Labour leader's declaration of being the first member of his lineage "in a thousand generations" to pursue higher education. Initially, Biden acknowledged his source. Later, during a televised address, he omitted the attribution. This oversight sparked considerable controversy and contributed significantly to the failure of Biden's initial presidential campaign.
However, Kinnock's legacy extends beyond this political stumble. The former Labour leader also played a crucial role in restoring electability to Britain's center-left party by removing hard-left radicals who had gradually infiltrated its ranks. His experience provides valuable lessons for American Democrats currently navigating similar internal tensions.
The DSA Challenge
Today, the Democratic Party contends with its own wave of infiltration through the Democratic Socialists of America, a populist-left organization experiencing considerable momentum. Recent events highlight both their potential and vulnerabilities. Francesca Hong, a DSA candidate who previously advocated for police abolition, narrowly failed to secure the Democratic nomination for Wisconsin's governorship. Nevertheless, DSA-backed contenders continue winning primary elections and generating substantial attention, much to Republican delight.
The comparison to 1980s Britain proves remarkably apt. During that era, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher infuriated left-wing supporters by restricting union power and privatizing government-owned enterprises. Unlike contemporary MAGA supporters, Thatcher maintained faith in free-market principles. Labour desperately sought to remove her from office but needed to demonstrate reliability to skeptical voters. This task grew more difficult due to Militant, a Marxist organization employing "entryism"—a strategy where members join larger parties without running under their own name, aiming to shift the parent organization dramatically leftward.
Militant's Secret Agenda
Militant proved more radical and secretive than today's DSA. Publicly, the group promoted straightforward demands: reduced working hours, increased wages, and nationalization of Britain's two hundred largest private corporations. Yet beneath this accessible platform lay a hidden objective inspired by Leon Trotsky's methodology. Militant viewed these public positions as transitional steps toward their ultimate goal: orchestrating a revolution similar to Russia's before Stalin consolidated power.
Militant's leadership demonstrated considerable detachment from average voters. Pat Wall, a Militant-supported Labour candidate representing Bradford, demanded the state's overthrow and forecasted an impending "civil war" characterized by "terrible death and destruction and bloodshed."
Eventually, Militant's concealed ambitions surfaced. Britain's 1980s press excelled at investigative journalism, while the Conservative government employed aggressive tactics. A Sunday Times journalist secretly captured Wall's dramatic predictions. Tory politicians eagerly incorporated these quotations into their campaign advertisements. Public perception that Labour was succumbing to intimidating Marxists contributed to eighteen years of electoral defeat. In Liverpool, the sole major city where Militant achieved governance, the result included disorder, financial collapse, and perpetual scandal.
Similarities and Differences
Several distinctions separate contemporary America from 1980s Britain. The DSA currently shows no inclination toward violent revolution. While Militant believed socialism could resolve every international dispute, the DSA demonstrates particular fixation on opposing Israel. Additionally, the DSA champions gay rights enthusiastically, whereas Militant regarded homosexuality as "a problem which will disappear under socialism," according to Michael Crick's paraphrase in his comprehensive book about the movement.
Both periods share a common pattern: a compact faction with unpopular, potentially harmful policies determined to impose them upon a larger organization. For the DSA, the crucial realization involves primary elections, where limited voter turnout allows well-coordinated entryist groups to capture nominations by winning over passionate minorities.
Militant employed a different approach, cultivating intense loyalty among members while concealing their party-within-a-party structure from external observers. Senior leaders presented themselves merely as editors of Militant newspaper. Their dedicated members joined local Labour sections without disclosing their actual allegiance, attending every gathering regardless of interest level. They formed factions alongside other leftists and secured control through consistent attendance. Through repetition, they eventually dominated entire chapters. As Lord Kinnock later recalled, "They always appeared to give primacy to securing power within the party rather than for the party."
During October 1985, at a Labour conference, Kinnock publicly criticized the ultra-left's "impossible promises" and "rigid dogma," alongside what he described as the "grotesque chaos" plaguing Militant-controlled Liverpool. His television address delivered a powerful condemnation of Militant's approach, setting the stage for Labour's eventual recovery and electoral success.
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